Can the new B.C. government bring real change for Indigenous communities?

On Monday, as the newly elected B.C. cabinet was sworn in, I wondered if this government was up to the task of advancing true and meaningful economic justice for Indigenous people. 

It is safe to say the election did not offer much for First Nations voters. The narrow focus of the two major provincial parties this election was on extractive projects as the foundation for the advancement of “economic reconciliation.” 

The B.C. Conservatives claimed they would pursue “strategic” land returns, yet their vision for Indigenous Rights and prosperity remained squarely tied to extractive resource industries like LNG. Meanwhile, the B.C. NDP has vocalized more support for the Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples Act (DRIPA), but despite holding power for the past seven years, they have been selective about their Indigenous-led conservation or co-governance initiatives. For example, the BC NDP planned to make an announcement earlier this year about temporarily pausing new mineral claims in the Medizian watershed in northern B.C., but walked it back without explanation. And despite growing evidence that LNG is a risky bet for the economy and the environment, the B.C. NDP has approved several new LNG projects.

Over the past few years, we’ve seen a pattern of quiet announcements and last-minute backtracks on commitments that were supposed to protect our lands and rights. When pledges to Indigenous-led conservation are made quietly or abandoned with little notice, but Indigenous partnerships with the LNG industry are celebrated across political stripes, it sends a clear message about where true Indigenous sovereignty actually stands on the province’s list of priorities. These frail commitments on land and rights are met with constant backlash from British Columbians again and again, targeting our communities for “holding back progress” or “asking for too much.” 

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In this cycle, Indigenous people are encouraged to embrace economic reconciliation as long as it keeps us tied to extractive industries, but we’re sidelined or scapegoated the moment we assert our right to protect our lands and economies on our own terms. With few alternatives on the table, Nisg̱a’a and Haisla nations have chosen to support economic development on their own terms through LNG, Tahltan with mining, and other nations with old-growth logging.

“Economic reconciliation” is often just a rebranding of resource extraction, offering Indigenous communities a stake in industries that exploit our lands. It is a politically convenient framework, packaged and sold to us as progress despite ignoring the basic principles of Indigenous sovereignty and self-determination.

I belong to a young generation of emerging leaders that have been engaged, consulted and promised change to the point of exhaustion — while the true transformation we need remains perpetually out of reach. We’ve been offered everything except what we truly deserve: a return to the land itself. I have deep respect for the older generations who endured the days of exclusion, who once had no voice in economic decisions and now embrace the opportunity for partnership in resource extraction projects. Many were born in an era where, under the Indian Act, they could not vote or attend university; having a seat at these tables feels like genuine progress. And while I can understand their perspective, my generation was born at a time where we were taught to expect more. If this is the standard we’re accepting, I believe we are watering down our sovereign responsibility from that of rights holders to mere shareholders.

The provincial government has positioned its role in economic reconciliation as maximizing benefits to Indigenous Nations when projects are on the table. But this implies the governing body with significant power, resources and oversight of the province only has a passive role to play in reconciliation, making industry the drivers of reconciliations above meaningful government to First Nations partnerships.

I’ve spent my career as a climate justice and Indigenous Rights organizer advocating fiercely for the protection of our lands and waters, pushing for a future where our sovereignty is upheld. Yet whenever I critique the harms of the LNG industry, I’m met with the same rebuttal: “But Indigenous nations own LNG projects.”

This is not the “gotcha!” many people think it is. Of course Indigenous nations own LNG projects. What else are we being permitted to own? Certainly not our own land. First Nations supporting these projects on their land also does not negate the dissenting views from their members, or from other nations.

Outside of the clear risks of LNG expansion on our environment and health, the newly released Carbon Tracker report, Turning Tides, highlights significant economic risks associated with B.C.’s LNG projects. LNG investments are particularly risky given the need for government subsidies for construction, operation and decarbonization. Demand for LNG is expected to peak by 2030, with oversupply leading to a crowded and competitive market. As a high-cost producer, B.C. is at a disadvantage compared to lower-cost suppliers like Qatar and the U.S., making new LNG projects financially precarious. With the potential of new oil and gas development being funded by the federal government’s new sector-agnostic loan guarantee program, Indigenous Nations face the additional peril of being left with nothing to show for their efforts but stranded assets. 

Rather than push Indigenous communities down a limited, short-term economic track, we should be empowered to create our own pathway. In early October, my hope was found in gathering with Indigenous youth who demonstrate the knowledge, foresight and imagination that was lacking in provincial party platforms. I attended the SevenGen summit In Iqaluit where youth participants from across the country forefronted “how building family and utilizing Indigenous teachings can be an effective model to create solidarity toward transitioning to clean energy and fighting the climate crisis.”

Just one example of this type of climate leadership comes from the Ulkatcho First Nation, who are set to build the country’s largest off-grid solar farm, which will supply up to 70 per cent of the electricity the surrounding communities need, and save 1.1 million litres of diesel per year. 

What if, instead of clinging to tired frameworks, the government actually used its power to support true justice? What if we invested in the vision of these Indigenous youth at the scale we are propping up these declining, extractive industries?

We deserve the rapidly growing clean energy economy, and the opportunity for true economic reconciliation, the reclamation of our old economic systems and the rightful return of land.

My call to non-Indigenous organizations and individuals about the environment is to start with reconciliation. Take responsibility for these failed colonial systems, and organize your community to fight for solutions that link real environmental justice to Indigenous justice. Get yourselves in line with this growing vision for clean energy and fighting the climate crisis being led by Indigenous youth. We need people to prioritise Indigenous-led solutions, to stay vigilant when commitments are quietly walked back, and to demand better from our leaders. 

My call to this newly elected government is to lead with some imagination, and to be proactive in matters of economic reconciliation. And for Indigenous leaders who are supporters of these projects, I refuse to be pitted against you. Instead, I offer an invitation to deeply interrogate the promises of prosperity and safety for Indigenous people. We do not need to follow the status quo of this dying economy, we can lead anew. After all, we are nations — not corporations.

The time for transformative change is now, and the choices made in these coming months will determine if leaders can find their political imaginations, and forge a path that respects Indigenous Rights, prioritizes land stewardship and opens doors to sustainable futures for all.