Three politicians with the former Progressive Conservative government had been fined after a first-of-its-kind ethics investigation. It arose from allegations they pressured officials to quickly approve the project after losing to the NDP in the 2023 election.
In theory, information about who is lobbying the government — and why — is public. But I heard from a few Manitobans with concerns about how challenging the lobbying registry can be to use.
I’ve spent enough time in the database, through various investigations, to know the feeling. It has taken persistence to become familiar with its quirks, to learn to navigate its less-than-ideal search function and maze of overlapping links and pop-ups.
I saw those hurdles again as I combed Manitoba’s lobbying registry, looking for records of Sio Silica’s efforts to catch the government’s ear.
As it happened, I knew of at least one person who had lobbied on behalf of the company but was not recorded in the registry at the time. I was curious about that gap: who was responsible for it, whose job it would be to fix and what it meant about the accuracy of the registry writ large.
That curiosity stayed with me beyond my investigation into Sio Silica, published in December. I wanted to understand how Manitoba’s lobbying registry works, get a clearer sense of the available information and form a picture of who has been lobbying the NDP government since it came into power in 2023.
I was surprised to learn that not every lobbyist needs to report their activities to the registry; “in-house” lobbyists who commit fewer than 100 hours per year to the effort are excluded from the records. I was also surprised to see lobbyists have a lot of discretion when it comes to how much they disclose about what they’re trying to achieve.
I spoke with a political scientist who has been advocating for stronger lobbying laws since at least 2015, who told me Manitoba’s rules are particularly outdated. Strengthening public trust in both governments and the organizations that try to influence them requires a robust, transparent registry with rules that can be effectively enforced — something the province hasn’t quite nailed yet, he said.
Editor-in-chief Carol Linnitt offered an update in a new, two-minute video, in which she shares a bit about The Narwhal’s approach to the case, explains what has made parts of the process “a little zany” and names some of the journalists who have testified or will be called to testify.
A huge thanks again to all who have contributed to our legal fund. While the RCMP can draw from public funds for its defence, we can only bring forward this fight for press freedom because of the generous support of readers like you. Thank you, from the bottom of our grateful hearts.
Well, here it is: Matt spoke with several Kitimat residents, including the mayor, for this update on how the community is grappling with the news — featuring some of the most colourful and expressive quotes The Narwhal has ever published.
“I can’t take a shit in my bathroom without my Apple Watch telling me I need hearing protection,” one of LNG Canada’s neighbours told Matt, to illustrate the magnitude of the noise from the flaring.
It’s a complicated issue, in a small town built and supported by industry. But in some ways community members are on the same page — they hope a fix will soon be possible.
This week in The Narwhal
Ontario will sever Wasaga Beach park despite 98% disapproval in public comments By Fatima Syed
The province received more than 14,000 comments on its plan to transfer part of the park, including endangered plover habitat, to the municipality.
Who will pay to electrify North Coast LNG and mining projects? All of us, it turns out By Shannon Waters READ MORE
‘It is possible’: this tiny First Nation’s big renewable energy strategy By Steph Kwetásel’wet Wood READ MORE
Investment in renewable energy plunges in Alberta By Drew Anderson READ MORE
While politicians argue, First Nations are growing B.C.’s economy by protecting the environment Analysis by Michelle Cyca READ MORE
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